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El artículo analiza, a partir de una metodología descriptiva y hermenéutica, la reciente reforma legal en México que dio lugar a la nueva Ley de Adquisiciones, Arrendamientos y Servicios del Sector Público (2025), la cual introduce un enfoque social y participativo en las contrataciones públicas mediante el reconocimiento de las entidades de la Economía Social y Solidaria y redefine el papel del Instituto Nacional de la Economía Social como entidad certificadora de los Organismos del Sector. Así, el análisis se enfoca en los postulados teóricos de la compra pública estratégica y su integración en la nueva ley, destacando sus posibles impactos –aún preliminares– sobre la inclusión, fortalecimiento y transparencia en la participación de las entidades de la ESS como proveedoras del Estado. Se concluye que, si bien la reforma abre oportunidades para el sector, persisten desafíos institucionales y estructurales que condicionan su implementación efectiva y potencial transformador.

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THE NEW LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR STRATEGIC PUBLIC PROCUREMENT IN MEXICO. IMPACT ON THE SOCIAL AND SOLIDARITY ECONOMY SECTOR

The new Public Sector Procurement, Leasing, and Services Law (LAASSP) approved by the federal legislature and published in the Official Gazette of the Federation on April 16, 2025, seeks to update the legal framework for public procurement and introduces a social and solidarity-based approach to government procurement. In addition, it reforms and adds various provisions to three laws closely related to economic and social development: the Federal Law on Republican Austerity, the Law on Social and Solidarity Economy, and the General Law on Cooperative Societies.

This reform proposes a restructuring of the role of the State in the management of public resources, suggesting that government purchases and contracts should not be merely administrative processes aimed at economic efficiency, but rather public policy instruments capable of promoting equitable development, inclusion, and sustainability. This reforms has the objetive to revitalize the participation of the National Institute for Social Economy (INAES), a body that is regaining a central role as the authority responsible for certifying Social Economy Sector Organizations (OSSEs), a necessary requirement for these entities to participate in public tenders and become suppliers to the State.

In recent years, INAES had undergone a process of institutional weakening, evidenced by reductions in its staff and budget, which limited its capacity to promote policies to boost the Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) sector. This situation had had a negative impact on the promotion of cooperatives, rural production societies, ejidos, communities, and other alternative economic expressions. The new legislation, by restoring its prominence, appears to respond to a political intention to reconfigure the relationship between the state and the solidarity economy, giving social organizations a greater presence in public management and recognizing their potential to generate social, economic, and environmental value.

Likewise, the reform of the General Law on Cooperative Societies introduces substantial changes aimed at making the process of establishing these entities more flexible. The aim is to reduce the bureaucratic and legal obstacles that have historically limited the development of cooperatives in Mexico, facilitating their formalization and strengthening their role as relevant economic actors within the SSE.

However, these changes raise several critical questions. To what extent can the top-down logic characteristic of public policies designed by the central administration really generate positive impacts in a sector as historically autonomous and self-managed as the solidarity economy? Will this reform be able to guarantee security, transparency, and efficiency in public procurement processes with social sector entities? And, beyond the regulatory aspect, will it succeed in generating real value for society, the economy, and the environment, or will it be limited to a formal change without any profound practical consequences?

The study starts from these questions and proposes a comprehensive and critical analysis of the new Law on Public Sector Procurement, Leasing, and Services, evaluating its internal coherence, its regulatory implications, and its possible impact on the Mexican SSE ecosystem. To this end, a descriptive and hermeneutic methodology is adopted, based on a desk study supported by a review of specialized literature. This approach allows us not only to understand the legal structure of the law, but also to interpret its motivations and teleological objectives, as well as its relationship with the historical, political, and cultural context that gave rise to it.

Following hermeneutic methodology, the study seeks to understand whether the law is an effective tool for promoting the development of the social sector of the economy or whether, on the contrary, its application could be limited by regulatory inconsistencies or a lack of institutional alignment.

The study highlights that, although the legal text explicitly recognizes the importance of the SSE and public procurement with a social focus, there are risks associated with implementation. These include the possible bureaucratization of the certification process, the lack of support and training mechanisms for social organizations, and the absence of coordinated policies between different levels of government. If these issues are not addressed, the reform could remain at the level of discourse, reproducing the traditional gap between regulation and practice.

Finally, the study analyzes the potential impact of the new law on the social sector of the Mexican economy, based on the premise that it has only recently come into force and, therefore, the assessment should be mainly normative and forward-looking. Certain successes are identified, such as the restoration of the role of INAES, the inclusion of language that explicitly recognizes the SSE as a legitimate economic actor, and the opening of new opportunities for participation in the public market. However, there are also shortcomings or gaps, such as the lack of clarity on certification criteria, the need for a monitoring and impact assessment policy, and the lack of fiscal or financial incentives to complement the legal opening.

In broader terms, the reform is interpreted as an attempt by the Mexican State to move towards a more participatory and pluralistic model of economic governance, where public procurement is conceived as a tool for social inclusion and sustainability. However, its success will depend largely on political will, inter-institutional coordination, and the ability of social organizations to adapt to the new legal frameworks. Hence the importance of promoting training processes, collaboration networks, and evaluation mechanisms that allow for measuring not only the economic efficiency of procurement, but also its social and environmental impact.

In conclusion, the new Public Sector Procurement, Leasing, and Services Law represents a paradigm shift in the conception of government contracting in Mexico. Beyond an administrative reform, it constitutes an opportunity to consolidate a strengthened social and solidarity economy capable of influencing public policy and contributing to more equitable and sustainable development. However, the main challenge will be to translate the spirit of the law into concrete actions, preventing the reform from getting bogged down in rhetoric and ensuring that cooperatives, communities, and other SSE actors are able to effectively access the benefits of the new legal framework.

In this way, the study not only describes a legal reform, but also proposes a deeper reflection on the role of the state in promoting alternative economic models, the need to democratize public policies, and the importance of building an institutional ecosystem that recognizes and enhances Mexico’s economic and social diversity.

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El presente trabajo analiza los contratos reservados como instrumento de la contratación pública destinado a facilitar el acceso al mercado de los centros especiales de empleo de iniciativa social y las empresas de inserción, promoviendo la inclusión sociolaboral de personas con especiales dificultades de acceso al empleo. Esta figura, prevista en el Derecho de la UE y desarrollada en el ordenamiento español mediante la Disposición Adicional Cuarta de la Ley 9/2017, constituye una herramienta clave para el diseño de políticas públicas con finalidad social.

Así, el trabajo examina la capacidad de la contratación pública reservada para generar valor social, tomando como base expedientes recientes en los que las adjudicaciones plantean interrogantes sobre la aplicación del principio de mejor relación calidad-precio. Desde una perspectiva jurídico-económica, el artículo revisa la evolución del régimen jurídico, analiza expedientes concretos y valora sus implicaciones, proponiendo criterios que refuercen la dimensión estratégica de estos contratos.

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THE (DIS)PROTECTION OF SOCIAL VALUE IN RESERVED CONTRACTS

Reserved public procurement has progressively consolidated itself within European and national legal systems as a policy instrument aimed at fostering the labour market inclusion of individuals facing significant barriers to employment. Within the framework of European Union public procurement law, this instrument enables contracting authorities to reserve participation in certain procurement procedures for economic operators whose primary mission is the social and labour inclusion of persons facing particular difficulties in accessing employment.

In the European legal framework, this mechanism is established in Article 20 of Directive 2014/24/EU, which allows Member States to restrict participation in procurement procedures to sheltered workshops and other economic operators whose main objective is the social and professional integration of persons with disabilities or others facing particular difficulties in accessing employment. The Directive explicitly recognises the role that such organisations can play in promoting equal opportunities, social participation and inclusive labour markets.

In the Spanish legal system, this provision has been transposed through Additional Provision Four of Law 9/2017 on Public Sector Contracts (Ley de Contratos del Sector Público, LCSP). This rule establishes a specific mechanism enabling contracting authorities to reserve certain public contracts for social initiative sheltered employment centres (Centros Especiales de Empleo de iniciativa social) and work integration social enterprises (Empresas de Inserción). The purpose of this reservation is to channel public expenditure towards organisations whose activity is explicitly oriented towards labour inclusion and the generation of social value.

Within the broader context of strategic public procurement, reserved contracts represent an important instrument for aligning procurement policy with social objectives, particularly those related to employment inclusion, territorial cohesion and the strengthening of the social economy. However, the mere existence of a legal framework enabling such reservations does not automatically guarantee that the intended social objectives are effectively achieved in practice.

Recent experiences in public procurement procedures reveal a significant tension between the formal compliance with the legal requirements governing reserved contracts and the effective generation of social value through these procurement processes. In certain cases, procurement procedures formally reserved for eligible social economy operators have resulted in contract awards driven primarily by price-based competition, thereby raising questions about the extent to which the underlying social objectives of the reservation are truly safeguarded. This tension between formal compliance and substantive effectiveness constitutes the central problem addressed in this article.

Against this background, the article pursues three main objectives. First, it seeks to review the evolution and current configuration of the legal regime governing reserved public procurement in Spain, with particular attention to the regulatory framework established by Additional Provision Four of the Public Sector Contracts Law and its relationship with the European legal framework derived from Directive 2014/24/EU. Second, the study aims to analyse recent procurement procedures involving reserved contracts, examining publicly available documentation in order to identify the key factors that determine contract award decisions in practice. This analysis focuses especially on the role played by economic evaluation formulas, the weighting of price criteria and the treatment of abnormally low tenders.

Third, the article seeks to assess the economic and social implications of these procurement decisions, identifying potential shortcomings in the current implementation of reserved procurement and proposing analytical and methodological tools capable of strengthening the strategic and social dimension of this instrument. Through these objectives, the article contributes to the broader debate on how public procurement systems can move beyond a purely formal compliance approach and become an effective mechanism for generating measurable social value.

The research adopts an interdisciplinary approach combining legal and economic analysis. From a legal perspective, the article conducts a dogmatic analysis of the regulatory framework governing reserved contracts, examining the development of the instrument within European Union law and its transposition into Spanish legislation. Particular attention is given to the interpretation of Article 20 of Directive 2014/24/EU and to the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union, especially the judgment delivered in case C-598/19. This decision clarified the scope of Member States’ discretion when defining the categories of operators eligible for participation in reserved procurement procedures. The article also analyses the evolving interpretation of this legal framework by Spanish administrative and judicial bodies, highlighting the existence of divergent positions among regional High Courts concerning the compatibility of the Spanish regulatory model with EU law.

From an empirical perspective, the study examines recent public procurement procedures involving reserved contracts, based on publicly available procurement documentation. These cases are analysed with the aim of identifying how procurement design choices—such as the weighting of award criteria or the use of specific pricing formulas—may influence the extent to which social objectives are effectively realised.

Finally, the article introduces an evaluative analytical framework inspired by stakeholder accounting and social accounting approaches. This framework focuses on assessing the outcomes of procurement processes rather than merely their procedural compliance. By incorporating indicators related to employment inclusion, job quality, training, community impact and economic redistribution, the analysis seeks to capture the broader social value generated by reserved public procurement.

The analysis reveals that, despite the existence of a robust legal framework supporting the use of reserved procurement, significant implementation challenges persist in practice. One of the most relevant issues identified concerns the design of award criteria within reserved procurement procedures. In several analysed cases, the economic criterion —typically the price offered by the tenderer— received a disproportionately high weighting, sometimes accounting for up to 80% of the total score. When combined with linear price-based evaluation formulas that reward the lowest bid, this design strongly incentivises competition based on price minimisation.

Such configurations can undermine the social objectives of reserved procurement. Organisations operating within the social economy, such as social initiative sheltered employment centres and work integration enterprises, often incur additional costs associated with labour inclusion, training, social support and workplace adaptation. When procurement procedures prioritise price above other qualitative factors, these organisations may be forced to compete under conditions that contradict their social mission.

Another problematic practice identified in the analysed cases involves the use of public subsidies to justify abnormally low tenders. Some operators have argued that expected public subsidies aimed at supporting employment inclusion should be considered when demonstrating the economic viability of unusually low bids. However, such practices risk distorting the purpose of these subsidies, which are intended to compensate for the additional costs of social inclusion rather than to enable aggressive price competition in procurement procedures. The article also highlights cases in which technical evaluations identifying significant deficiencies in service proposals were effectively neutralised by price-based scoring systems, resulting in contract awards to the lowest bidder despite concerns about service quality.

Taken together, these findings suggest that the effectiveness of reserved procurement cannot be ensured solely through the legal restriction of eligible bidders. Instead, the entire procurement design—including award criteria, evaluation formulas and oversight mechanisms—must be aligned with the social objectives that justify the use of reservation mechanisms.

In response to these challenges, the article proposes a methodological tool designed to facilitate the evaluation of the social value generated by reserved public procurement: the Public Procurement Double Impact Matrix (Matriz de Doble Impacto de la Compra Pública). Inspired by the polyhedral model of Stakeholder Accounting, this framework distinguishes between two complementary dimensions of value creation:

1. Active value, corresponding to the direct value generated through the provision of the contracted service. This includes the fulfilment of contractual obligations and any additional improvements introduced by the contractor.

2. Passive value, representing the broader social and economic impacts generated through the execution of the contract. These impacts may include employment opportunities for vulnerable groups, wages paid to local workers, fiscal contributions, the activation of local supply chains and the provision of training and support services.

Strengthening the strategic dimension of reserved public procurement therefore requires more than the formal recognition of eligible social economy operators. As the cases analysed in this article illustrate, the transformative potential of reserved contracts can be significantly weakened when procurement procedures are designed around price-based competition, allowing economic criteria to override the social purpose that justifies the reservation itself.

Addressing this gap requires evaluation tools capable of making the social value generated through procurement decisions visible and measurable. In this regard, the article proposes the Public Procurement Double Impact Matrix (MDPP), inspired by the polyhedral model of stakeholder accounting, as a practical framework for assessing both the functional value of the contracted service and the broader social impacts generated through its execution.

By incorporating variables such as inclusive employment, training, local economic redistribution and social support processes into procurement evaluation, this approach allows contracting authorities to better align procurement design with the social objectives embedded in reserved contracts. In doing so, the reservation mechanism can move beyond a purely formal instrument of access and become a genuine tool for generating measurable social value through public expenditure.

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La imparcialidad en la contratación pública es clave para garantizar una competencia justa para las entidades de la economía social, siendo la detección y gestión de los conflictos de intereses uno de los mecanismos que nuestro ordenamiento jurídico ofrece para su protección. El presente trabajo defiende la necesidad de desarrollar lo dispuesto en el art. 64 de la LCSP, poniendo de relieve los problemas interpretativos derivados de la escasa atención que el legislador estatal ha prestado a esta materia, y formulando, al mismo tiempo, diversas propuestas orientadas a su superación

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IMPARTIALITY AS A BASIC PRINCIPLE IN PUBLIC PROCUREMENT AND A GUARANTEE OF FAIR COMPETITION FOR SOCIAL ECONOMY ENTITIES

Impartiality in public procurement is key to ensuring fair competition for social economy entities, with the detection and management of conflicts of interest constituting one of the mechanisms that our legal system provides for their protection.

The main purpose of this paper is to offer a conceptual approach to conflicts of interest, identifying the actors obliged to detect, prevent, and adopt corrective measures. In particular, it will examine whether this task falls to social economy entities submitting bids or, conversely, whether safeguarding the principles of impartiality and independence in procurement rests exclusively with public authorities.

The firmness with which the rules recognize this function as a public responsibility contrasts with what occurs in practice. When a tenderer challenges the award of a public contract on the grounds of a conflict of interest, they are reproached, for example, for not having previously brought this circumstance to the attention of the contracting authority, whether by challenging the tender specifications, initiating recusal proceedings, or complying with the duty established in art. 64 of the Spanish Public Sector Contracts Act (LCSP). This provision establishes that any person or entity aware of a potential conflict of interest must immediately inform the contracting authority. Furthermore, in appeal proceedings, the appellant is required to provide sufficiently solid evidence of the existence of such a conflict. These requirements, imposed by the administrative bodies competent to resolve special procurement appeals, seem to dilute, to some extent, the responsibility of contracting authorities in preventing conflicts of interest.

The many uncertainties surrounding the fight against conflicts of interest are largely due to the limited regulation of this legal instrument, which is intended to guarantee the integrity of the procurement procedure. Conflicts of interest are regulated in a single provision of the LCSP, without the State or the Autonomous Communities having promoted further regulatory development. Only minimal—albeit insufficient—progress can be observed in art. 103 of Ley 11/2023, de 30 de marzo, de uso estratégico de la contratación pública de la Comunidad Autónoma de Aragón.

Given that the current system presents significant shortcomings resulting from this insufficient development, the aim of this paper is to demonstrate that neither a generic definition nor the three categories of conflicts of interest set out in anti-fraud plans are truly useful. It is therefore essential to move towards an autonomous construction of the concept of conflict of interest and to refine its definition from a dual perspective: objective and subjective. In short, the value of this study lies in its in-depth examination of conflicts of interest, a concept imported from the European Union legal framework and incorporated into our legal system, whose practical application has not been as effective as might have been expected.

The reference to conflicts of interest in art. 64 of the LCSP is the result of the transposition of art. 24 of Directive 2014/24/EU. In general terms, this transposition must be regarded as insufficient, at least if this instrument is to be effective in this area of administrative activity. The doubts raised by this concept are countless, ranging from which factual situations give rise to a conflict of interest to which actors may be involved.

When defining what is meant by a conflict of interest, two approaches may be adopted: a descriptive one—which defines the concept in general terms—and a prescriptive one—which establishes specific situations deemed to conflict with public duties. It is evident that art. 64 of the LCSP adopts a descriptive approach, which does not always facilitate distinguishing between acceptable and objectionable conduct. Consequently, this ambiguity may lead to an expansive interpretation of the concept. However, if we consider the consequences that may follow from identifying a conflict of interest—including the exclusion of a tenderer—it could be argued, as in the case of prohibitions on contracting, that we are dealing with a rule that limits rights. As is well known, such rules must be interpreted strictly, without allowing for analogical or expansive application.

Ultimately, this study constitutes, to some extent, a response to a problem about which various bodies responsible for overseeing the proper use of public funds have been warning following audit activities. Although certain improvements can be observed, these remain insufficient. Therefore, the ultimate aim of this research is to reflect the current state of play in combating conflicts of interest in public procurement and to advocate for overcoming the limited regulation contained in the LCSP. Although experts argue that the possible emergence of conflicts of interest should be accepted as a normal occurrence, they also warn that many recent corruption scandals began with poorly managed conflicts of interest. The national legislator must focus its attention on this issue and clarify how to proceed in such cases, as the current regulatory silence is giving rise to highly divergent and even contradictory interpretations, which hinder the effective incorporation of conflicts of interest into our legal system. It is therefore urgent to define the concept of conflict of interest precisely from a dual—objective and subjective—perspective, to establish the applicable procedure in the event of a report, and to clarify the legal consequences arising from its identification. Although the National Anti-Corruption Plan introduces innovative measures aimed at detecting such conflicts, it does not seem appropriate to implement them without first having clearly defined the notion of conflict of interest.

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Este artículo presenta un marco jurídico para diseñar, aplicar y verificar cláusulas sociales y ambientales orientadas a la economía circular en la contratación pública española, con atención al papel de las entidades de economía social. A partir de la Directiva 2014/24/UE y la Ley 9/2017, se estructuran instrumentos de intervención en los contratos públicos (prescripciones técnicas, criterios de adjudicación y condiciones especiales de ejecución) y se propone una metodología de “ingeniería de cláusulas” que permite seleccionar la herramienta adecuada según la necesidad, la comparabilidad y el control durante la ejecución. El artículo incorpora una matriz de indicadores y evidencias verificables, junto con un protocolo de seguimiento basado en trazabilidad y consecuencias graduadas. Además, introduce dos tests: uno de autoevaluación para entidades de economía social y otro para validar ex ante la vinculación al objeto y la proporcionalidad de las cláusulas, con el fin de reforzar su exigibilidad.

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INCLUSIVE CIRCULAR PUBLIC PROCUREMENT DESIGN OF SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL CLAUSES

This article proposes a legal and operational framework to design, implement, and verify social and environmental clauses that promote the circular economy in Spanish public procurement, with particular attention to the participation of social economy entities such as cooperatives, work-integration social enterprises, and social-initiative sheltered employment centres. The analysis is grounded in Directive 2014/24/EU and Spain’s Law 9/2017, which allow contracting authorities to integrate sustainability and social objectives through technical specifications, award criteria, and special contract performance conditions, provided that core principles of equal treatment, transparency, and competition are respected.Procurement practice nevertheless faces two persistent obstacles. First, clauses may be insufficiently linked to the subject matter of the contract or drafted in a disproportionate way, increasing exposure to challenges and annulment. Second, clauses that are formally admissible may remain ineffective because they lack measurable indicators, verifiable evidence, and a governance design capable of monitoring performance and triggering consequences. Together, these weaknesses facilitate “greenwashing” and its social analogue, “social washing,” by enabling commitments that are framed as aspirations rather than enforceable obligations.

The article clarifies the conceptual basis for “circular and inclusive procurement.” Circular economy is a plural concept: broad definitions can yield vague contractual language, while narrow definitions may exclude relevant innovation. Here, circularity is treated as a life-cycle approach aimed at reducing resource inputs and waste outputs through strategies such as durability, reparability, reuse, remanufacture, recycled content, and reverse logistics. Inclusion is framed both as access to the market (through reserved procurement, lotting choices, and proportionate qualification requirements) and as results during performance (for example, insertion outcomes, protected employment, and decent working conditions linked to contract delivery).

Methodologically, the study advances a “clause engineering” sequence with three decisions. First, select the correct legal instrument: technical specifications for indispensable minimum requirements; award criteria to compare and reward improvements beyond the minimum; and performance conditions for outcomes that depend on conduct over time during execution. Second, define indicators and the moment of verification (tender stage, acceptance, or periodic reporting), so that obligations are measurable when they need to be assessed. Third, specify the evidence required, the reporting rhythm, and the consequences of non-compliance in a way that is coherent with the instrument chosen and feasible for both the contracting authority and suppliers.

A central contribution is an ex ante subject-matter link and proportionality test for contracting authorities. Presented as a checklist to complete before inserting a clause into tender documents, it concentrates on points that most frequently generate failure: direct connection to performance (materials, processes, outcomes, or staff assigned to the contract), suitability of the chosen instrument, measurability and verification timing, proportionality of both the substantive requirement and compliance burden, market access implications (including barriers for smaller operators and social economy entities), acceptance of equivalent means of proof when certifications or labels are used, and the existence of a clear enforcement pathway. The test includes a practical “closure rule”: if critical items such as subject-matter link, instrument choice, proportionality, equivalence, or enforceability cannot be justified, the clause should be reformulated or relocated before publication.

To make verification feasible, the article proposes a four-layer monitoring protocol: documentary verification during the tender; contractual verification during execution; indicator-based control of outputs and outcomes; and corrective mechanisms combining remedial plans, penalties, and, where core obligations are undermined, termination. A compact indicator catalogue supports both drafting and monitoring. Circularity indicators include recycled content, spare-parts availability and repair time, and reverse-logistics performance with traceable destinations. Social indicators include insertion or protected employment hours linked to contract tasks, training delivered, and substantively traceable subcontracting with social economy entities where relevant. The framework emphasises proportionality in evidence requests (templates, reasonable periodicity, and risk-based sampling) to avoid administrative overload while preserving credibility.

As an applied output aimed at the supplier side, the study introduces a self-assessment checklist for social economy entities considering whether to bid in tenders with circular and inclusive requirements. The checklist helps identify readiness gaps in strategic fit with the contract object, technical capacity to meet minimum specifications and sustain circular commitments, social capacity to deliver inclusion-related obligations with documentary support, and organisational capacity to manage reporting, repositories, and internal controls. A pragmatic decision rule is proposed: negative answers on key items (fit, minimum compliance, measurement capability, social delivery capacity, evidence readiness, and risk control) indicate that bidding should be postponed unless a concrete gap-closing plan is in place (for example, partnerships, consortia, or reinforced documentation systems).

The article concludes that circular and inclusive procurement becomes credible when clauses move from aspirational language to verifiable, enforceable obligations anchored to the contract and supported by indicators, evidence, and governance. Implementation implications are outlined for contracting authorities (planning and category selection, training, standardised clause banks, repositories, and risk-based sampling) and for social economy entities (reusable evidence packages and measurement routines). Future research should test the framework empirically in regional and local administrations, quantify compliance and reporting costs for social economy entities, and explore comparative approaches across European Union jurisdictions in practice today.

The comparative and institutional dimension also supports a gradual implementation strategy. Evidence from circular procurement studies suggests that ambitious clauses fail when indicators are fragmented, contracting authorities lack professional support, or monitoring systems are not mature enough to measure performance. The proposed roadmap therefore recommends starting with a limited number of pilot categories, documenting results, adjusting templates and then scaling the model. For contracting authorities, this implies training, standard clause banks, proportional evidence templates and risk-based audits. For social economy entities, it implies reusable evidence packages, alliances or consortia where scale is required, and internal routines capable of proving both circular and social performance. The overall contribution is a replicable framework that links legal validity, managerial feasibility and measurable impact.

The legal analysis further emphasises that strategic public procurement is not an autonomous legal title to favour operators because of their legal form or territorial location. Circular and inclusive objectives must be translated into the ordinary instruments of procurement law and justified through the subject-matter link, proportionality, equal treatment, transparency and effective competition. This is why the article treats labels, certifications and registers as means of proof rather than as closed requirements, and it stresses the need to accept equivalent evidence when the required characteristics can be demonstrated by other reliable means. The same logic applies to reserved contracts and lots: they may be powerful instruments for inclusion, but they require legal eligibility, sufficient market capacity and a design that preserves competition within the reserved segment.

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El artículo examina la reutilización textil inclusiva como estrategia para articular los objetivos ambientales de la economía circular con el valor social generado por las entidades de economía social. Estas organizaciones han demostrado capacidad para combinar reducción de residuos, trazabilidad y extensión de la vida útil de los productos con inclusión laboral y cohesión territorial. El marco normativo europeo y su transposición en España ofrecen un entorno propicio, donde la contratación pública se configura como instrumento decisivo para consolidar este modelo. Se analizan cláusulas contractuales, indicadores de impacto y experiencias en distintas comunidades autónomas, destacando logros y retos en su implementación. El objetivo del artículo es evaluar en qué medida la contratación pública logra trasladar los compromisos de circularidad al terreno práctico, equilibrando eficiencia técnica con inclusión laboral y el papel estratégico de la economía social.

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THE ROLE OF PUBLIC PROCUREMENT IN INCLUSIVE TEXTILE RUSE

The textile sector is among Europe’s most resource-intensive and environmentally damaging industries, generating vast post-consumer waste and pressuring ecosystems. Yet it also holds potential to pioneer models of circularity that integrate ecological sustainability with social value. Inclusive textile reuse epitomizes this duality: extending garment lifespans while integrating disadvantaged workers, reinforcing community ties, and democratizing circular benefits. This article examines how public procurement in Europe and Spain can support such practices, aligning contractual mechanisms with regulatory mandates while strengthening social economy organizations.

The European Union has moved decisively from voluntary initiatives to binding obligations. The 2022 EU Strategy for Sustainable and Circular Textiles set 2030 targets for durability, reparability, recyclability, and transparency. The 2024 Ecodesign for Sustainable Products Regulation banned the destruction of unsold clothing and established product longevity requirements, while the Digital Product Passport introduced standardized information on materials, repairability, and circular potential. The 2025 Extended Producer Responsibility scheme for textiles shifted financial responsibility for collection, sorting, and reuse from municipalities to producers, incentivizing investment in durability and reuse. Together these measures oblige market actors to internalize environmental costs and create enabling conditions for inclusive reuse.

Spain has in some respects anticipated these requirements. The 2022 Waste and Contaminated Soils Act mandated separate textile collection before the European deadline and reinforced waste hierarchy principles that prioritize reuse. The 2017 Public Sector Procurement Law embedded social and environmental considerations in procurement, offering authorities a legal pathway to integrate sustainability and inclusion. Jurisprudence clarified that such clauses must relate to the object of the contract, be verifiable, and respect proportionality, thus setting both opportunities and limits for inclusive reuse in practice.

Public procurement can translate regulatory goals into concrete outcomes by shifting evaluation from lowest price to best value based on social and environmental impact. Contracts for textile collection, sorting, or supply may incorporate green criteria, social clauses, or be reserved for social enterprises under European and Spanish law. Equally important are performance conditions linked to measurable outcomes, ensuring commitments are not rhetorical but verifiable. Inclusive employment can be measured through hours or placements of disadvantaged workers, effective reuse through the proportion of textiles achieving a genuine second life, traceability through digital systems interoperable with European standards and the Digital Product Passport, and territorial proximity through the measurement of local activity and its contribution to resilience and cohesion. Embedding such indicators turns procurement into a systemic driver of inclusive circularity.

Regional authorities in Catalonia, the Basque Country, Castile and León, and Valencia have experimented with reserved contracts for social enterprises, traceability requirements, and technological innovations such as smart containers. These initiatives demonstrate procurement’s capacity to stabilize and scale social enterprises that have long led textile collection and second-hand distribution. Yet important limitations persist. Many contracts focus narrowly on collection without clear benchmarks for effective reuse. Traceability systems remain fragmented and lack interoperability with European standards, undermining transparency and comparability. Indicators of territorial proximity are rarely applied systematically, despite the existence of methodologies to do so. These gaps highlight the need for more rigorous and harmonized approaches if inclusive textile reuse is to become robust and scalable.

Several challenges confront policymakers and practitioners. One concerns the balance between scale and proximity. Large operators benefit from economies of scale and greater capacity to comply with digital requirements but risk displacing smaller social economy organizations that deliver inclusion, local employment, and community legitimacy. A second challenge arises from the design of extended producer responsibility schemes. If contributions are calculated solely on volume processed, recycling and low-value exports may be favored over reuse and inclusive employment, undermining the social dimension that distinguishes inclusive textile reuse. A third challenge relates to professionalization and comparability. Without harmonized indicators, it is difficult to assess whether procurement processes are achieving real and verifiable outcomes, weakening accountability and limiting the potential for continuous improvement. These challenges show that inclusive textile reuse is not a purely technical matter but a political and governance choice: whether to build a circular textile system that is efficient but exclusive, or one that is both sustainable and socially just.

Procurement should therefore be understood not as a neutral administrative procedure but as a structural policy tool. Well-designed tenders can shape markets, redistribute opportunities, and embed social value into circular strategies. When contracts include requirements for inclusive employment, measurable targets for reuse, robust traceability, and territorial anchoring, they create a framework in which social economy organizations can thrive and inclusive textile reuse becomes a tangible reality. Conversely, when procurement is reduced to cost minimization or environmental criteria detached from social outcomes, it risks marginalizing precisely those actors that have demonstrated the greatest commitment to sustainability and inclusion.

Inclusive textile reuse is simultaneously a challenge and an opportunity. Regulatory demands, competitive pressures, and digital requirements create barriers for smaller actors, but inclusive models can deliver environmental benefits such as waste reduction and reduced carbon emissions alongside social outcomes like labor market integration and community resilience. Whether Europe moves towards an exclusive or inclusive textile system will depend largely on how procurement frameworks are designed and implemented in the coming years.

The transition to a circular textile system will not be defined solely by regulations on product design or waste management. Its success hinges on the extent to which procurement integrates environmental, economic, and social objectives in coherent contractual frameworks that promote inclusive reuse. Policymakers, contracting authorities, and social economy organizations must collaborate to develop tenders that are technically rigorous and socially ambitious, ensuring that circularity is not pursued at the expense of inclusion but realized through it. In this way, procurement can transform inclusive textile reuse from an emerging concept into a mainstream practice, proving that the circular economy can be not only innovative and efficient but also fair and inclusive.

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La Ley 1/2025, de 1 de abril, de prevención de las pérdidas y el desperdicio alimentario impone a los agentes de la cadena alimentaria el deber de elaborar un Plan para la Prevención de las Pérdidas y el Desperdicio Alimentario. Dado que esta obligación afecta a todas las cooperativas agroalimentarias que no tengan la condición de microempresa, resulta fundamental analizar sus implicaciones tanto para estas entidades como para sus miembros. Lejos de ser meros destinatarios pasivos de las decisiones de los órganos sociales, los socios son actores clave cuya participación resulta esencial para identificar los puntos críticos de pérdida y garantizar la eficacia de las medidas adoptadas. Por ello, el trabajo postula su implicación activa tanto en la formulación del Plan como en su implementación en las explotaciones, y propone medidas concretas para dar una respuesta apropiada y sostenible a las exigencias legales.

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THE FOOD LOSS AND WASTE PREVENTION PLAN: A NEW OBLIGATION FOR AGRI-FOOD COOPERATIVES

Law 1/2025, of 1 April, on the Prevention of Food Loss and Waste (Ley de prevención de las pérdidas y el desperdicio alimentario, hereinafter LPPDA) represents a significant regulatory milestone in Spain’s efforts to combat food waste. For the first time at national level, the law imposes a binding obligation on all food chain operators, including agri-food cooperatives that do not qualify as microenterprises, to develop and implement a Plan for the Prevention and Reduction of Food Loss and Waste (PPRPDA). This article analyses the legal regime, focusing on the implications for cooperative entities and the role that their members must play in ensuring effective compliance.

The LPPDA responds to international commitments, in particular Sustainable Development Goal 12.3, which targets the reduction of food losses along production and supply chains. It also aligns with EU Directive 2018/851 on waste, which requires Member States to report food waste data across different supply chain links. At the European level, several countries had already developed national strategies and action plans for food waste reduction prior to the Spanish law. Within Spain, various autonomous communities had already enacted relevant legislation. The LPPDA now generalises certain obligations that previously existed only at regional level, extending them across the entire national territory and conferring on them a binding, enforceable character.

Prior to Law 1/2025, food waste prevention plans had primarily been encouraged through non-binding guidance documents, such as the 2019 guide published by the Catalan Department of Agriculture and the CREDA-IRTA-UPC, which outlined ten principles for the design and implementation of such a plan. The FAO’s 2022 Code of Conduct for the Reduction of Food Loss and Waste similarly recommended that operators maintain records and implement preventive measures, but on a voluntary basis. The LPPDA transforms this soft-law framework into a hard legal obligation: failure to have a PPRPDA is classified as a serious infraction under Article 20.2.b)(1º), punishable by fines ranging from €2,001 to €60,000. Autonomous communities are empowered to impose higher penalties.

In this legal context, agri-food cooperatives are expressly recognised under Article 3(a) LPPDA as operators within the primary sector and agents of the food chain. The obligation applies to all such cooperatives that do not qualify as microenterprises (fewer than ten employees and annual turnover or balance sheet not exceeding €2 million). According to recent data from Cooperativas Agro-alimentarias de España (2023), approximately 38% of agri-food cooperatives qualify as microenterprises, meaning that the remaining 62% are subject to the obligation. This proportion is expected to increase as the ongoing trend towards cooperative integration (driven by Law 13/2013) continues to raise the average size of cooperative entities.

The LPPDA does not specify the internal procedure for adopting the PPRPDA. This article contends that, given the nature of cooperatives, responsibility for designing and approving the Plan should fall primarily on the governing board, as part of its ordinary management duties and in fulfilment of its duty of diligence. At the same time, since cooperative law limits management action to the general policy established by the general assembly, it is advisable for the assembly to first adopt a general policy aligned with the objectives of the LPPDA before the board proceeds to develop the Plan.

Crucially, cooperative members should not be regarded as mere passive recipients of institutional decisions. As the primary producers who carry out operations in the initial stages of the food chain, members are key actors whose active participation is indispensable for identifying critical loss points and ensuring that the measures adopted are genuinely effective. The democratic governance structure of cooperatives (based on the principle of one member, one vote) constitutes a structural advantage, as it enables inclusive and transparent decision-making that reflects the diverse realities of all members, facilitates the adoption of tailored solutions, and fosters a culture of shared responsibility.

To give legal force to member involvement, the article proposes the formal incorporation of new member obligations in the cooperative’s statutes. This is in line with various cooperative laws, which provide that statutes must set out member rights and obligations. Statutory recognition would enable cooperatives to initiate internal disciplinary proceedings against members who fail to implement the required measures on their own holdings (for instance, by irrationally discarding part of their production) and to claim compensation for any resulting damages.

Turning to the formal requirements, although the LPPDA does not expressly require the Plan to be in writing, this is considered implicit, as only a documented instrument can demonstrate compliance. The article recommends integrating the PPRPDA into the cooperative’s broader compliance programme, understood as the set of internal norms, processes, and controls designed to ensure adherence to applicable law across all legal domains. Where cooperatives are subject to Law 2/2023 on whistleblower protection (applicable to entities with 50 or more employees), failure to maintain a PPRPDA could be reported through the internal reporting channel, given its classification as a serious infraction.

Beyond its formal aspects, the Plan must be tailored to each cooperative’s specific reality. It should not be a generic or replicated document, but rather a customised instrument that reflects the nature of the products handled (agricultural or livestock), the specific activities carried out, and the points in the production chain where losses are most likely to occur.

Regarding the content of the Plan, it must implement the hierarchy of priorities set out in Article 5 LPPDA, which establishes the following descending order of preferred actions when food surpluses cannot be prevented: (1) transformation into other products fit for human consumption; (2) donation and redistribution; (3) use as animal feed or for the manufacture of feed; (4) use as by-products in other industries; and (5) composting and energy recovery. Operators may deviate from this hierarchy if justified by technical feasibility, food safety, economic viability, or environmental protection considerations. In this connection, the article also highlights the potential of inter-cooperative agreements as a mechanism for channelling food surpluses along the hierarchy, enabling cooperatives and their members to collaborate in directing excess production toward any of the priority uses without establishing more complex legal structures such as mergers or second-degree cooperatives.

The obligation to have a PPRPDA became enforceable on 2 April 2026, one year after the law’s publication. From that date, all non-microenterprise agri-food cooperatives must have a compliant Plan in place. The article notes an asymmetry in sanction regimes across different legal frameworks: Catalan law also penalises defective plans and non-implementation, whereas the national law only explicitly penalises the absence of a plan. This gap may limit the effectiveness of enforcement in practice.

In conclusion, the PPRPDA should not be treated as a bureaucratic formality, but as a strategic instrument capable of generating tangible benefits: identifying avoidable losses, improving economic margins, optimising the use of inputs, and enhancing the cooperative’s reputation. The associative and democratic nature of agri-food cooperatives places them in a privileged position to mobilise their members toward sustainable and responsible food production practices. Ultimately, both legal compliance and practical effectiveness depend not merely on the existence of the document, but on the genuine commitment of cooperatives and their members to reducing food loss at every stage of the supply chain.

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El artículo analiza la contratación pública de la estrategia forestal para facilitar la entrada a proveedores de economía social bajo un nuevo paradigma sobre el valor de los montes. Aunque el aprovechamiento forestal sea limitado, la ciencia afirma que los montes son activos estratégicos frente al cambio climático porque prestan servicios ecosistémicos y ayudan al desarrollo local. Por ello, la contratación pública estratégica debería aplicarse en el ámbito forestal. El proyecto “Life Token CO₂” avala que los bosques (más allá de la reforestación) capturan más carbono cuando se ejecutan servicios de selvicultura. Por ello, los montes públicos y privados, podrían aumentar su impacto climático con la ayuda del cooperativismo forestal, para realizar proyectos de absorción y comercializar la biomasa forestal. Además, la consideración del “Token de Carbono” como derecho real vinculado a proyectos certificados, y las nuevas plataformas “blockchain”, son una oportunidad para establecer alianzas que aporten nuevos recursos para la gestión forestal y la prevención de incendios.

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CARBON TOKEN; A TOOL TO FOSTER THE SOCIAL AND REGENERATIVE ECONOMY

Climate change worries governments, but less than competitiveness, despite the warnings from scientists about our capacity to reverse global warming; relying on artificial carbon capture technologies is quite limited. Furthermore, the problem is exacerbated because our natural carbon capture systems in the forestry sector, based on passive silviculture (allowing forests to function naturally with overly protective environmental legislation), have also shown their weaknesses: Forests also have a limited capacity to capture carbon if preventative silviculture measures are not implemented. Moreover, without these preventative treatments, the risk of wildfires has become a terrifying reality.

The European Union is responding by funding innovative projects. “Life Token CO₂”, developed in the Region of Murcia (and surrounding areas), which has been affected by prolonged droughts and rising temperatures, is acting as a “forestry laboratory”. It measures carbon sequestration in plots treated with silvicultural practices (not reforested) to become carbon sinks for the planet. This offers a real, achievable, and sustainable solution, given Spain’s extensive forests. However, while this represents a genuine advantage and an emerging sector for entrepreneurship, it also presents challenges demanding a coordinated response.

This article analyzes the public procurement of forestry strategies to facilitate the entry of social economy providers under a new paradigm regarding the value of forests: Although economic exploitation in the traditional forestry sector is nonexistent or very limited in many territories, science affirms that trees are strategic assets in the face of climate change because they provide ecosystem services and contribute to local development (tourism, natural heritage, environmental well-being, and mitigation of the effects of natural disasters). Therefore, the strategic public procurement of forestry contracts would achieve social and sustainable goals simultaneously, providing solutions to problems that are inextricably linked: forest preservation, depopulation, while creating local employment related to the emerging climate change sector.

From an economic perspective, the challenge is the way to spend a scarce forestry budget more effectively and efficiently, both to care for publicly owned forests and to empower private forest owners, who do not find profitability in forestry activity, to take charge of their maintenance.

The creation of a new digital asset, the carbon token, opens a new source of financing through the recognition of CO₂ emission rights in current regulated and voluntary compensation markets, and in the new experimental blockchain platforms that we analyze in this study.

The hypothesis put forward is how to achieve more efficient forest management through an alliance between forestry strategy and social economy strategy. In this alliance, the “carbon token” presents numerous opportunities, while legal experts work to minimize its risks in commercial transactions. The question is whether the social economy can capitalize on these opportunities and offer professional services that help overcome land fragmentation and channel the benefits of climate policy toward job creation, the inclusion of vulnerable groups, and the strengthening of community fabric.

From a methodological standpoint, the study is interdisciplinary. It analyzes scientific advances in the environment and forestry engineering from the perspective of Social Sciences (Law and Economics) with an innovative approach: How can the Social Economy participate in the public procurement of forestry services required to combat climate change?

From a legal perspective, the Spanish environmental legislation regulating the carbon market is also analyzed, as well as how new carbon tokens and their trading fit into blockchain digital platforms, encouraging the Social Economy to participate in the emerging sector of the “Digital and Sustainable Economy”.

We collect opinions and conclusions from the GAIA Research Group on Social Responsibility, Environment and Innovation of the Catholic University of San Antonio of Murcia (UCAM), attached to the Faculty of Economics and Business, in which UCOMUR collaborates through an industrial doctoral research contract.

This study concludes with a new model for forest conservation, in which the social economy is called upon to play a decisive role either as a provider of forestry services for the Administrations, or as a “cooperative provider of carbon credits”, recognizable as limited property rights and registrable in the Public Registry of the MITECO and the different Autonomous Communities in the context of the new Decree 214/2025 and the CRCF Regulation (EU/2024/3012) which we analyze in detail.

The research methodology is exploratory. Although the Life Token Project is analyzed and compared with other experimental scientific projects on carbon tokenization, the method used does not aim to provide certainties, but rather to propose ways to frame scientific advances within a context of opportunities for social economy entrepreneurship in the framework of “green contracting”.

As a good practice representative of a new look towards forests, as providers of ecosystem services, we have analyzed the pioneering experience of public aid to forest owners in Galicia (Spain), transferable to all territories.

The method combines different sources: scientific literature, conclusions from forestry conferences, and press articles. The data have been cross-referenced with official statistical sources. On the other hand, we conducted in-depth interviews with experts who provided us with a comprehensive overview. The opinions of these experts have been key elements in developing a critical and independent judgment, which is not aimed at proving the certainty of the conclusions of this study, but at providing a solid context for the proposed alliance between the forestry strategy and the social economy within the framework of “green” procurement.

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En la España de 1867, sumida en una crisis económica y social, el castellonense Antonio Polo de Bernabé presentó una memoria titulada Las Sociedades Cooperativas. Su organización, sus progresos y su influencia en el porvenir de la clase obrera, ganadora de un concurso de la Real Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de Valencia. La obra constituye uno de los primeros intentos en España de sistematizar jurídicamente el cooperativismo. Polo, influido por el krausismo y el reformismo social europeo, proponía las cooperativas como una alternativa pacífica y legal para mejorar las condiciones de la clase obrera, armonizando el liberalismo económico con principios de justicia social, como la gestión democrática, la adhesión voluntaria y la distribución equitativa de beneficios. En un contexto de legislación restrictiva para las asociaciones obreras, su trabajo no solo definió la naturaleza jurídica de estas sociedades -diferenciándolas de las mercantiles-, sino que también defendió el derecho de asociación y la necesidad de una reforma legal que permitiera su desarrollo. Aunque sus propuestas no se materializaron plenamente en su época debido a trabas legales y a la escasa movilización obrera, entre otras cuestiones, el pensamiento de Polo de Bernabé sentó un precedente doctrinal para el futuro derecho cooperativo y del trabajo en España.

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ANTONIO POLO DE BERNABÉ AND THE ORIGINS OF COOPERATIVISM IN 19TH-CENTURY SPAIN

The year 1867 represents a critical juncture in modern Spanish history. The country was immersed in a profound double crisis that would foreshadow the end of Isabel II’s reign and the Glorious Revolution of 1868. On one hand, a modern financial crisis erupted following the collapse of railway companies and the bankruptcy of credit institutions. On the other, a severe subsistence crisis, driven by poor harvests, sent the prices of basic goods soaring, plunging a large segment of the population -already living in precarious conditions- into extreme poverty. This context dramatically exacerbated the so-called “social question,” which encompassed the emerging problems of the industrial era. The moderate liberal state, with its legal framework deeply suspicious of any form of collective worker organization, proved incapable of offering solutions. It was precisely in this environment of social urgency, legal void, and systemic crisis that the figure of Antonio Polo de Bernabé emerged. His 1867 memoir constitutes one of the first systematic attempts in Spain to articulate a legal and social doctrine for cooperativism as a peaceful, reformist alternative to revolutionary socialism. This article analyzes Polo de Bernabé’s legal and social proposals, arguing that his work represents a foundational precedent for future cooperative and labor law in Spain by harmonizing economic liberalism with principles of social justice at a time when no specific cooperative legislation existed.

To fully grasp the innovative nature of Polo’s proposal, one must understand the restrictive legal environment for workers’ associations in mid-19th-century Spain. The liberal state, inspired by the principles of individual autonomy and freedom of contract, viewed any form of collective worker organization as a potential threat to public order and the free market. Polo was acutely aware of this legal limbo, and his work was a direct response to it. Antonio Polo de Bernabé (1812-1889) was a multifaceted figure, active as a politician, entrepreneur, and agrarian innovator. Ideologically, he can be situated within progressive liberalism with a strong social sensibility, heavily influenced by Krausism, Christian humanism, and European social reformism. Polo’s intellectual synthesis combined economic reason with a profound moral and educational concern: for him, cooperation was not merely a tool for production but a school of character and civic virtue.

Polo de Bernabé’s memoir stands out for its systematic legal approach. He defines the cooperative as a voluntary association of workers with its own legal personality. He distinguishes cooperatives from traditional mercantile companies based on several key principles that anticipate the modern cooperative doctrine: 1) Democratic Management (One Member, One Vote); 2) Voluntary and Open Membership; 3) Equitable Distribution of Surplus; 4) Educational and Moral Purpose; and 5) Defense of the Right of Association. Polo adopts a common contemporary classification of cooperatives: consumer, credit, and production cooperatives. While recognizing production cooperatives as the ultimate ideal, Polo demonstrates notable pragmatism, proposing a gradualist strategy beginning with consumer and credit cooperatives to prepare workers for more complex ventures.

Polo de Bernabé’s work successfully synthesized European models into a proposal adapted to Spanish realities. Although his ideas had some echo in the contemporary press, they did not materialize in the short term. The failure to consolidate these early cooperatives was due to ideological fear among the ruling elites, the inherent difficulty of regulating a multi-faceted entity, and the scarce mobilization of the proletariat. Despite these obstacles, Polo de Bernabé’s 1867 memoir had a lasting doctrinal impact. He successfully articulated a vision of an economic enterprise that could reconcile efficiency with justice, placing the person and their moral development at the center. By systematically defining the legal nature, principles, and social purpose of cooperatives, he laid the intellectual groundwork for the future legal recognition of the social economy and labor law in Spain, anticipating debates that would not be fully legislated until the 20th century. His work remains a foundational text in the history of Spanish cooperative legal thought.

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DE LA INSTITUCIONALIDAD A LA TRANSFORMACIÓN DIGITAL: CAPACIDADES, AGILIDAD ORGANIZACIONAL Y EVOLUCIÓN HISTÓRICA DEL COOPERATIVISMO EN EL VALLE DEL CAUCA

Este trabajo combina el análisis histórico de la evolución legislativa y organizativa del cooperativismo colombiano (1931-2025) con un estudio empírico cuantitativo. El análisis histórico se basa en fuentes primarias -textos legislativos- y secundarias -literatura especializada-, de manera que sigue una metodología histórica que combina la secuencia cronológica de la legislación con la identificación de procesos de larga duración, rupturas estructurales y continuidades institucionales. El estudio empírico emplea un diseño explicativo mediante métodos de ecuaciones estructurales PLS-SEM y análisis cualitativo comparativo difuso (fsQCA), con una muestra de 241 directivos de cooperativas y fondos solidarios del Valle del Cauca, quienes completaron un cuestionario estructurado utilizando una escala Likert que midió cuatro constructos: capacidades organizacionales, capacidades digitales, agilidad organizacional y transformación digital.

El análisis histórico revela tres grandes etapas en la evolución del cooperativismo colombiano. La primera etapa (1930-1960) se centró en la creación de estructuras cooperativas para abordar la exclusión rural y fomentar la inclusión económica mediante la organización colectiva, con la Ley 134 de 1931 como primer marco normativo. La segunda etapa (1960-1990) estuvo marcada por una fuerte promoción estatal, con el Decreto 1598 de 1963 y la Ley 79 de 1988, que impulsaron la legitimidad y el crecimiento del sector, pero generaron una significativa dependencia institucional. La tercera etapa (1990-actualidad) refleja la adaptación a las reformas orientadas al mercado, con la Constitución Política de 1991 y la Ley 454 de 1998 como hitos normativos, incorporando prácticas de gestión profesional y gobierno corporativo.

Los resultados empíricos muestran que las capacidades digitales son el principal predictor de la transformación digital, mientras que las capacidades organizacionales también facilitan la adopción tecnológica. Sin embargo, se encuentra un efecto negativo de la agilidad organizacional sobre la transformación digital, lo que indica que la rapidez y flexibilidad pueden entrar en tensión con los mecanismos de gobernanza democrática y participación propios de las cooperativas. El análisis configuracional (fsQCA) revela que no existe una única ruta hacia la transformación digital, sino múltiples combinaciones de condiciones, siendo la presencia simultánea de capacidades organizacionales y digitales las configuraciones más robustas.

Las cooperativas deben priorizar la inversión en capacidades digitales -infraestructura, sistemas de información, competencias digitales del personal- mientras adaptan la agilidad organizacional a los principios cooperativos, evitando la rapidez que contradice los mecanismos de participación democrática. La transformación digital debe enfocarse como un proceso integrado y alineado con la estrategia organizacional, buscando un equilibrio entre la identidad institucional y la viabilidad a largo plazo.

Este estudio ofrece una interpretación integradora del cooperativismo colombiano, superando enfoques puramente normativos o descriptivos, y combina el análisis histórico con investigación empírica contemporánea sobre transformación digital. La integración de métodos PLS-SEM y fsQCA permite una mayor comprensión del fenómeno, establece relaciones causales y captura las múltiples trayectorias hacia la transformación digital en un sector caracterizado por su heterogeneidad estructural.

El análisis permite concluir que el cooperativismo colombiano no es una mera alternativa organizativa dentro del sistema económico, sino un sistema institucional históricamente arraigado que responde a las condiciones del mercado y del Estado, en particular a la falta de mecanismos de inclusión social, rural e institucional. La relación histórica con el Estado ha generado dependencia, pero también legitimidad, mientras que la liberalización económica de los años noventa actuó como un punto de inflexión que forzó una reinstitucionalización del sector. El capital social y la gobernanza son variables críticas para la sostenibilidad cooperativa, y el arraigo territorial persiste como una ventaja comparativa fundamental. La transformación digital se presenta como una nueva fase de adaptación institucional, que no supone una ruptura con la historia del sector, sino una continuación de su capacidad para integrar cambios sin perder su esencia.

En definitiva, la agilidad organizacional puede generar tensiones con la gobernanza democrática, afectando de manera negativa la transformación digital. Así, el cooperativismo colombiano se configura como un sistema institucional adaptativo, cuyo éxito depende del equilibrio entre innovación tecnológica, identidad solidaria y gobernanza participativa.

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This article analyzes the evolution of cooperativism in Colombia -the Cauca Valley- from a historical, institutional, and organizational perspective, highlighting its role as a response to market and state failures, especially in contexts of social and territorial exclusion. Cooperativism is presented as a form of social economy characterized by its hybrid nature, combining economic efficiency with social objectives, and based on principles of collective action, social capital, and democratic governance. Historically, Colombian cooperatives have gone through three major stages: an initial phase of institutionalization (1930–1960), focused on rural inclusion; a stage of expansion with strong state promotion (1960–1990), which strengthened their legitimacy but generated dependency; and a contemporary phase of adaptation to the market economy, marked by professionalization and the adoption of corporate governance practices. This process has been accompanied by a progressive regulatory evolution, from Law 134 of 1931 to more complex frameworks for supervision and control.